Sunday, May 24, 2020

Gwangju Massacre in South Korea

Tens of thousands of students and other protestors poured into the streets of Gwangju (Kwangju), a city in southwestern South Korea in the spring of 1980. They were protesting the state of martial law that had been in force since a coup that previous year, which had brought down the dictator Park Chung-hee and replaced him with military strongman General Chun Doo-hwan. As the protests spread to other cities, and the protestors raided army depots for weapons, the new president expanded his earlier declaration of martial law. Universities and newspaper offices were shuttered, and political activity was banned. In response, the protestors seized control of Gwangju. On May 17, President Chun sent additional army troops to Gwangju, armed with riot gear and live ammunition. Background to the Gwangju Massacre The portraits of former president Park Chung-hee and his wife Yuk Young-soo. Yuk Young-soo was killed in 1974 during an attempted assassination of Park Chung-hee. Woohae Cho​/Getty Images  Ã‚   On October 26, 1979, South Korean President Park Chung-hee was assassinated while visiting a gisaeng house (Korean geisha house) in Seoul. General Park had seized power in a 1961 military coup and ruled as a dictator until Kim Jae-kyu, the Director of Central Intelligence, killed him. Kim claimed that he assassinated the president because of the increasingly harsh crackdown on student protests over the countrys increasing economic woes, brought about in part by skyrocketing world oil prices. The following morning, martial law was declared, the National Assembly (Parliament) was disbanded, and all public meetings of more than three people were banned, with an exception only for funerals. Political speech and gatherings of all kinds were prohibited. Nonetheless, many Korean citizens were optimistic about the change, since they now had a civilian acting president, Choi Kyu-hah, who promised among other things to halt the torture of political prisoners. The moment of sunshine faded quickly, however. On December 12, 1979, Army Security Commander General Chun Doo-Hwan, who was in charge of investigating President Parks assassination, accused the army chief of staff with conspiring to kill the president. General Chun ordered troops down from the DMZ and invaded the Department of Defense building in Seoul, arresting thirty of his fellow generals and accusing them all of complicity in the assassination. With this stroke, General Chun effectively seized power in South Korea, although President Choi remained as a figurehead. In the days that followed, Chun made it clear that dissent would not be tolerated. He extended martial law to the entire country  and sent police squads to the homes of pro-democracy leaders and student organizers to intimidate potential opponents. Among the targets of these intimidation tactics were the student leaders at Chonnam University in Gwangju... In March 1980, a new semester began, and university students and professors who had been banned from campus for political activities were allowed to return. Their calls for reform — including freedom of the press, and an end to martial law, and free and fair elections — grew louder as the semester progressed. On May 15, 1980, approximately 100,000 students marched on Seoul Station demanding reform. Two days later, General Chun promulgated even harsher restrictions, closing down universities and newspapers once more, arresting hundreds of student leaders, and also arresting twenty-six political opponents, including Kim Dae-jung of Gwangju. May 18, 1980 Outraged by the crackdown, about 200 students went to the front gate of Chonnam University in Gyungju early on the morning of May 18. There they met thirty paratroopers, who had been sent to keep them off the campus. The paratroopers charged the students with clubs, and the students responded by throwing rocks. The students then marched downtown, attracting more supporters as they went. By early afternoon, local police were overwhelmed by 2,000 protestors, so the military sent about 700 paratroopers into the fray. The paratroopers charged into the crowd, bludgeoning the students and passersby. A deaf 29-year-old, Kim Gyeong-cheol, became the first fatality; he was simply in the wrong place at the wrong time, but the soldiers beat him to death. May 19-20 Throughout the day on May 19, more and more furious residents of Gwangju joined the students in the streets, as reports of increasing violence filtered through the city. Businessmen, housewives, taxi drivers — people of all walks of life marched out to defend the youth of Gwangju. Demonstrators hurled rocks and Molotov cocktails at the soldiers. By the morning of May 20, there were more than 10,000 people protesting downtown. That day, the army sent in an additional 3,000 paratroopers. The special forces beat people with clubs, stabbed and mutilated them with bayonets, and threw at least twenty to their deaths from high buildings. The soldiers used tear gas and live ammunition indiscriminately, shooting into the crowds. Troops shot dead twenty girls at Gwangjus Central High School. Ambulance and cab drivers who tried to take the wounded to hospitals were shot. One hundred students who sheltered in the Catholic Center were slaughtered. Captured high school and university students had their hands tied behind them with barbed wire; many were then summarily executed. May 21 On May 21, the violence in Gwangju escalated to its height. As the soldiers fired round after round into the crowds, protesters broke into police stations and armories, taking rifles, carbines and even two machine guns. Students mounted one of the machine guns on the roof of the universitys medical school. The local police refused further aid to the army; troops beat some police officers unconscious for attempting to help the injured. It was all-out urban warfare. By 5:30 that evening, the army was forced to retreat from downtown Gwangju in the face of the furious citizens. The Army Leaves Gwangju By the morning of May 22, the army had pulled out entirely from Gwangju, establishing a cordon around the city. A bus full of civilians attempted to escape the blockade on May 23; the army opened fire, killing 17 of the 18 people aboard. That same day, army troops accidentally opened fire on one another, killing 13 in a friendly-fire incident in the Songam-dong neighborhood. Meanwhile, inside Gwangju, teams of professionals and students formed committees to provide medical care for the wounded, funerals for the dead, and compensation for the families of victims. Influenced by Marxist ideals, some of the students arranged to cook communal meals for the people of the city. For five days, the people ruled Gwangju. As word of the massacre spread throughout the province, anti-government protests broke out in nearby cities including Mokpo, Gangjin, Hwasun, and Yeongam. The army fired on protestors in Haenam, as well. The Army Retakes the City On May 27, at 4:00 in the morning, five divisions of paratroopers moved into Gwangjus downtown. Students and citizens tried to block their way by lying in the streets, while the armed citizen militias prepared for a renewed firefight. After an hour and a half of desperate fighting, the army seized control of the city once more. Casualties in the Gwangju Massacre The Chun Doo-hwan government issued a report stating that 144 civilians, 22 troops, and four police officers had been killed in the Gwangju Uprising. Anyone who disputed their death toll could be arrested. However, census figures reveal that almost 2,000 citizens of Gwangju disappeared during this time period. A small number of the student victims, mostly those who died on May 24, are buried in Mangwol-dong Cemetery near Gwangju. However, eyewitnesses tell of seeing hundreds of bodies dumped in several mass graves on the outskirts of the city. The Aftermath In the aftermath of the horrific Gwangju Massacre, the administration of General Chun lost most of its legitimacy in the eyes of the Korean people. Pro-democracy demonstrations throughout the 1980s cited the Gwangju Massacre  and demanded that the perpetrators face punishment. General Chun held on as president until 1988, when under intense pressure, he allowed democratic elections. Kim Dae-jung, the 15th term President of South Korea from 1998 to 2003, and the 2000 Nobel Peace Prize recipient, speaks on telephone at his home in Seoul, South Korea on June 25, 1987. Nathan Benn​/Getty Images   Kim Dae-Jung, the politician from Gwangju who had been sentenced to death on charges of fomenting the rebellion, received a pardon and ran for president. He did not win, but would later serve as president from 1998 to 2003, and went on to receive a Nobel Peace Prize in 2000. Former President Chun himself was sentenced to death in 1996 for corruption and for his role in the Gwangju Massacre. With the tables turned, President Kim Dae-jung commuted his sentence when he assumed office in 1998. In a very real way, the Gwangju Massacre marked a turning point in the long struggle for democracy in South Korea. Although it took almost a decade, this horrifying event paved the way for free and fair elections  and more transparent civil society. Further Reading on the Gwangju Massacre Flashback: The Kwangju Massacre, BBC News, May 17, 2000. Deirdre Griswold, S. Korean Survivors Tell of 1980 Gwangju Massacre, Workers World, May 19, 2006. Gwangju Massacre Video, Youtube, uploaded May 8, 2007. Jeong Dae-ha, Gwangju Massacre Still Echoes for Loved Ones, The Hankyoreh, May 12, 2012. Shin Gi-Wook and Hwang Kyung Moon. Contentious Kwangju: The May 18 Uprising in Koreas Past and Present, Lanham, Maryland: Rowman Littlefield, 2003. Winchester, Simon. Korea: A Walk Through the Land of Miracles, New York: Harper Perennial, 2005.

Wednesday, May 13, 2020

Farmers Union Iced Coffee, Advertisement - 975 Words

Farmers Union Iced Coffee was launched in 1977 by a group of dairy farmers who were creating a new recipe for the Royal Adelaide show. The milk beverage is Australia’s largest selling flavored milk and each year Australians consume in excess of 27 million litres of the beverage each year. There are a few ideas and issues that are raised in the text that I can point out. I think that the idea of having an ad about the worlds history and issues while showing normal every day Australians playing out the roles and then able to hide the real message is a sensational advertisement. The general idea in any advertisement is to try and increase the sale and popularity of a product. I have probably seen the Farmers Union ad a thousand†¦show more content†¦The Alternative reading would be getting the ad for its real backgrounds meanings which are disguised through normal looking people, but representing world wide issues. Someone would have to be pretty switched on throughout the adverts between their programs to pick it up. I do not think someone could have figured out each event the first time they saw the ad, it would probably take someone a few times to see the ad then work it all out. The use of intertextuality in the advertisement of Farmers Union shows Australian tradesmen and hardworking sweaty men drinking it while they are working. It would give the message that this sort of beverage is for big, strong and tough men and is not for the light hearted. 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Wednesday, May 6, 2020

Oil/Gas Pipelines Opportunities and Challenges Free Essays

Oil has become the most in-demand product in the world. It has become the center of round-table discussions, and never that a single day passed without it being on the news. Decrease in its supply could mean the downfall of nations, especially the industrialized ones. We will write a custom essay sample on Oil/Gas Pipelines: Opportunities and Challenges or any similar topic only for you Order Now This was evident in three world oil crises in 1973, 1979, and a brief one in 1990, which reversed the flow of money, making the oil-producing countries in the Middle East the vital force that could change the direction of the future of the world. Their cut-offs in production led to the creation of policies and rules on consumption, saving, and independence from oil. A nation, controlling the production, selling, and over-all management of oil, is assured of a significant posting in any field of the world’s lifestyle, but most importantly in politics and economics (Tanter, 2007). To become something like this, a nation should invest in ways on how to transport oil from its sources to its consumers, like the creation of networks of pipelines. Research and development projects have been carried out and continuously be done to meet the challenges in connection with oil and gas pipelines. One of these is the continuing drive to discover more oil and gas reserves locked under the earth or offshore. There are still many places in the planet that need to be explored. Even the most extreme environments should be included, like what they did to the North Sea. Designing and manufacturing pipes will still emerge as one of the important factors in the realm of oil and gas pipelines. Through the years, designs have been continuously improved to accommodate several factors like environment, and the nature of oil and gas. Researchers now consider the direct relationship of the size of the diameter of the pipe with the flow capacity of the product. Moreover, they also examine the expansion and contraction of pipes during the transportation of oil and gas due to significant temperature change, which could result to cracks, collapse tensions, and other similar effects. Materials will continuously be tested to determine the best for pipes. Though steel is already being used, improvements are still being done to test durability. Stresses and fractures, especially offshore projects, should be accounted for to minimize the percentage of failure. Cathodic protection against corrosion should be upheld to the highest level to assure the survivability of the pipes throughout the project. Terrorism attacks on pipelines will remain one of the most feared human phenomena. This is due to the fact that whenever pipelines are bombed or attacked, industries are affected. With this, countries should strengthen their monitoring schemes to ensure the safety and zero attack on their pipelines. Keeping with the laws of nature and environment also poses great challenge to companies engaged in oil and gas pipelines. Discovery of new sites for extraction will always encounter similar scenario with the trans-Alaska crude pipeline project, which was delayed for nine years, because the construction of pipelines was attached to environmental issues (Kennedy, 1993). Environmentalists will still be around the corner to watch the movements of oil companies. A greater challenge is on the side of politics and regulation. Better policies and laws covering the construction of pipelines, and transportation of oil and gas should be enacted to cover threats and possible failure-causing movements, especially in explorations crossing two different countries. Faster approval of laws should be done to maximize the economic potentials of the discovered oil and gas reserves. The greatest challenge could be the offering of affordable price of pipelined products to consumers. Companies must take note that the advancements they make with pipe designs and manufacturing, and the entire pipeline construction and transportation project, should go at par with the purchasing power of consumers, who are directly affected by any oil price hike. Since the drilling of the first commercial oil well in 1859 in Pennsylvania, the evolution of pipelines has gone a long way, though remaining as the most economical way (Kennedy, 1993). Oil and gas pipelines are efficient, using only 4% of the energy content of the transported product. This is far better in comparison with other modes of transportation like water, rail, and trucks (Dykesteen Frantzen, 1991). Higher levels of technology give way for the development of better pipes and more sophisticated pipeline networks. These could yield higher efficiency rate and better service for the people, who basically need the product in their everyday living. The construction of country’s own pipelines could spell independence from importing oil and gas from foreign countries. This could also alleviate problems on oil crisis, and cut-off on importation rate. This could consequently clip the country to economic prosperity because of the removal of the burdens of oil importation. Pipelines transport oil, and natural gas from extracting wells located in the different parts of the globe, including the most hostile areas like Alaska and Siberia. These products are then refined, and prepared for consumption by all citizens in all corners of the world. These products when properly used could continuously fuel the economic progress of any country involved with it. References: CBC News Online. 2006. The price of oil – in context. Retrieved 29 June 2007. http://www.cbc.ca/news/background/oil/. Dykesteen, E K Frantzen. 1991. Multiphase Fraction Meter Developed and Field Tested. Oil Gas Journal. 18 February 1991: 50. Kennedy, JL. 1993. Oil And Gas Pipeline Fundamentals. 2nd ed. Oklahoma: PennWell Books. Tanter, R. 2007. Pipeline Politics: Oil, Gas and the US Interest in Afghanistan. Znet. Retrieved 29 June 2007. http://www.zmag.org/tanteroil.htm. Tobin, J. 2006. Additions on the Capacity of the US Natural Gas Pipeline Network: 2005. Energy Information Administration, Office of Oil and Gas. Retrieved 29 June 2007. http://www.eia.doe.gov/pub/oil_gas/natural_gas/feature_articles/2006/ngpipeline/ngpipeline.pdf. How to cite Oil/Gas Pipelines: Opportunities and Challenges, Essay examples

Tuesday, May 5, 2020

Jane Austen Quotes Essay Example For Students

Jane Austen Quotes Essay The following is from The Explicator, a subscription journal available through Herrick’s research databases:Jane Austens irony is endlessly challenging to those of us who like to grasp just how an author achieves distinctiveness and who then want to tell others what we think we have found. No slight part of her ironic effect stems from her use of the free indirect style (style indirect libre), as Graham Hough,(FN1) among others, has shown. The quote below is from Studies in English Literature, another journal available through Herrick’s research databases:If Mariannes later walks at Cleveland do receive a faintly satirical treatment, it is not because she seeks out the nocturnal sublime, but because she cultivates it at the expense of prudenceand even then the judgment hinges on the issue of degree. After all, even the poets of sensibility contemplate the effects of rain from a distance, as when, in the Ode to Evening, William Collins takes refuge in a hut. Here’s a little Jane Austen biography stolen from the Gale Group:Jane Austen was born in 1775 at Steventon, in the south of England, where her father was rector of the parish. She was the seventh of eight children in an affectionate and high-spirited family. In 1801 she moved to Bath with her father, her mother, and her only sister, Cassandra. Here’s the beginning blurb from a paper available at www.megaessays.com. Unfortunately, I didn’t want to pay $15 to see the whole essay. Jane Austen has attracted a great deal of critical attention in recent years. Many have spoken out about the strengths and weaknesses of her characters, particularly her heroines. Austen has been cast as both a friend and foe to the rights of women. English Essays